Fellow-Citizens:
I appear before you this day to take the solemn oath “that I will faithfully execute
the
office of President of the United States and will to the best of my ability preserve,
protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States.”
In entering upon this great office I must
humbly invoke the God of our fathers for wisdom and firmness
to execute its high and responsible duties in such a manner as to restore harmony
and ancient friendship among the people of the several States and to preserve our
free institutions throughout many generations.
Convinced that I owe my election to the
inherent love for the Constitution and the Union which still animates the hearts of
the American people, let me earnestly ask their powerful support in sustaining all
just measures calculated to perpetuate these, the richest political blessings which
Heaven has ever bestowed upon any nation.
Having determined not to become a candidate for reelection, I shall have no motive
to
influence my conduct in administering the Government except the desire ably and
faithfully to serve my country and to live in grateful memory of my countrymen.
We have recently passed through a Presidential contest in which the passions of our
fellow-citizens were excited to the highest degree by questions of deep and vital
importance; but when the people proclaimed their will the tempest at once subsided
and
all was calm.
The voice of the majority, speaking in the manner prescribed by the Constitution,
was
heard, and instant submission followed. Our own country could alone have exhibited so
grand and striking a spectacle of the capacity of man for self-government.
What a happy conception, then, was it for Congress to apply this simple rule, that
the
will of the majority shall govern, to the settlement of the question of domestic slavery
in the Territories. Congress is neither “to legislate slavery into any Territory or
State nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free
to
form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the
Constitution of the United States.”
As a natural consequence, Congress has also prescribed that when the Territory of Kansas
shall be admitted as a State it “shall be received into the Union with or without
slavery, as their constitution may prescribe at the time of their admission.”
A difference of opinion has arisen in regard to the point of time when the people
of a
Territory shall decide this question for themselves.
This is, happily, a matter of but little practical importance. Besides, it is a judicial
question, which legitimately belongs to the Supreme Court of the United States, before
whom it is now pending, and will, it is understood, be speedily and finally settled.
To
their decision, in common with all good citizens, I shall cheerfully submit, whatever
this may be, though it has ever been my individual opinion that under the
Nebraska-Kansas act the appropriate period will be when the number of actual residents
in the Territory shall justify the formation of a constitution with a view to its
admission as a State into the Union. But be this as it may, it is the imperative and
indispensable duty of the Government of the United States to secure to every resident
inhabitant the free and independent expression of his opinion by his vote. This sacred
right of each individual must be preserved. That being accomplished, nothing can be
fairer than to leave the people of a Territory free from all foreign interference
to
decide their own destiny for themselves, subject only to the Constitution of the United
States.
The whole Territorial question being thus settled upon the principle of popular
sovereignty—a principle as ancient as free government itself—everything of a practical
nature has been decided. No other question remains for adjustment, because all agree
that under the Constitution slavery in the States is beyond the reach of any human
power
except that of the respective States themselves wherein it exists. May we not, then,
hope that the long agitation on this subject is approaching its end, and that the
geographical parties to which it has given birth, so much dreaded by the Father of
his
Country, will speedily become extinct? Most happy will it be for the country when
the
public mind shall be diverted from this question to others of more pressing and
practical importance. Throughout the whole progress of this agitation, which has
scarcely known any intermission for more than twenty years, whilst it has been
productive of no positive good to any human being it has been the prolific source
of
great evils to the master, to the slave, and to the whole country. It has alienated
and
estranged the people of the sister States from each other, and has even seriously
endangered the very existence of the Union. Nor has the danger yet entirely ceased.
Under our system there is a remedy for all mere political evils in the sound sense
and
sober judgment of the people. Time is a great corrective. Political subjects which
but a
few years ago excited and exasperated the public mind have passed away and are now
nearly forgotten. But this question of domestic slavery is of far graver importance than
any mere political question, because should the agitation continue it may eventually
endanger the personal safety of a large portion of our countrymen where the institution
exists. In that event no form of government, however admirable in itself and however
productive of material benefits, can compensate for the loss of peace and domestic
security around the family altar. Let every Union-loving man, therefore, exert his
best
influence to suppress this agitation, which since the recent legislation of Congress
is
without any legitimate object.
It is an evil omen of the times that men have undertaken to calculate the mere material
value of the Union. Reasoned estimates have been presented of the pecuniary profits
and
local advantages which would result to different States and sections from its
dissolution and of the comparative injuries which such an event would inflict on other
States and sections. Even descending to this low and narrow view of the mighty question,
all such calculations are at fault. The bare reference to a single consideration will
be
conclusive on this point. We at present enjoy a free trade throughout our extensive and
expanding country such as the world has never witnessed. This trade is conducted on
railroads and canals, on noble rivers and arms of the sea, which bind together the
North
and the South, the East and the West, of our Confederacy. Annihilate this trade, arrest
its free progress by the geographical lines of jealous and hostile States, and you
destroy the prosperity and onward march of the whole and every part and involve all
in
one common ruin. But such considerations, important as they are in themselves, sink into
insignificance when we reflect on the terrific evils which would result from disunion
to
every portion of the Confederacy—to the North, not more than to the South, to the
East
not more than to the West. These I shall
not attempt to portray, because I feel an humble confidence that the kind Providence which inspired our fathers with wisdom to
frame the most perfect form of government and union ever devised by man will not
suffer it to perish until it shall have been peacefully instrumental by its example
in the extension of civil and religious liberty throughout the
world.
Next in importance to the maintenance of the Constitution and the Union is the duty
of
preserving the Government free from the taint or even the suspicion of corruption.
Public virtue is the vital spirit of republics, and history proves that when this
has
decayed and the love of money has usurped its place, although the forms of free
government may remain for a season, the substance has departed forever.
Our present financial condition is without a parallel in history. No nation has ever
before been embarrassed from too large a surplus in its treasury. This almost
necessarily gives birth to extravagant legislation. It produces wild schemes of
expenditure and begets a race of speculators and jobbers, whose ingenuity is exerted
in
contriving and promoting expedients to obtain public money. The purity of official
agents, whether rightfully or wrongfully, is suspected, and the character of the
government suffers in the estimation of the people. This is in itself a very great
evil.
The natural mode of relief from this embarrassment is to appropriate the surplus in
the
Treasury to great national objects for which a clear warrant can be found in the
Constitution. Among these I might mention the extinguishment of the public debt, a
reasonable increase of the Navy, which is at present inadequate to the protection
of our
vast tonnage afloat, now greater than that of any other nation, as well as to the
defense of our extended seacoast.
It is beyond all question the true principle that no more revenue ought to be collected
from the people than the amount necessary to defray the expenses of a wise, economical,
and efficient administration of the Government. To reach this point it was necessary
to
resort to a modification of the tariff, and this has, I trust, been accomplished in
such
a manner as to do as little injury as may have been practicable to our domestic
manufactures, especially those necessary for the defense of the country. Any
discrimination against a particular branch for the purpose of benefiting favored
corporations, individuals, or interests would have been unjust to the rest of the
community and inconsistent with that spirit of fairness and equality which ought to
govern in the adjustment of a revenue tariff.
But the squandering of the public money sinks into comparative insignificance as a
temptation to corruption when compared with the squandering of the public lands.
No nation in the tide of time has ever been blessed with so rich and noble an inheritance
as we enjoy in the public lands. In administering this important trust, whilst it
may be
wise to grant portions of them for the improvement of the remainder, yet we should
never
forget that it is our cardinal policy to reserve these lands, as much as may be, for
actual settlers, and this at moderate prices. We shall thus not only best promote
the
prosperity of the new States and Territories, by furnishing them a hardy and independent
race of honest and industrious citizens, but shall secure homes for our children and
our
children’s children, as well as for those exiles from foreign shores who may seek
in
this country to improve their condition and to enjoy the blessings of civil and
religious liberty. Such emigrants have done much to promote the growth and prosperity of
the country. They have proved faithful both in peace and in war. After becoming citizens
they are entitled, under the Constitution and laws, to be placed on a perfect equality
with native-born citizens, and in this character they should ever be kindly
recognized.
Whilst deeply convinced of these truths, I yet consider it clear that under the
war-making power Congress may appropriate money toward the construction of a military
road when this is absolutely necessary for the defense of any State or Territory of
the
Union against foreign invasion. Under the Constitution Congress has power “to declare
war,” “to raise and support armies,” “to provide and maintain a navy,” and to call
forth
the militia to “repel invasions.” Thus endowed, in an ample manner, with the war-making
power, the corresponding duty is required that “the United States shall protect each of
them [the States] against invasion.” Now, how is it possible to afford this protection
to California and our Pacific possessions except by means of a military road through
the
Territories of the United States, over which men and munitions of war may be speedily
transported from the Atlantic States to meet and to repel the invader? In the event
of a
war with a naval power much stronger than our own we should then have no other available
access to the Pacific Coast, because such a power would instantly close the route
across
the isthmus of Central America. It is impossible to conceive that whilst the
Constitution has expressly required Congress to defend all the States it should yet
deny
to them, by any fair construction, the only possible means by which one of these States
can be defended. Besides, the Government, ever since its origin, has been in the
constant practice of constructing military roads. It might also be wise to consider
whether the love for the Union which now animates our fellow-citizens on the Pacific
Coast may not be impaired by our neglect or refusal to provide for them, in their
remote
and isolated condition, the only means by which the power of the States on this side
of
the Rocky Mountains can reach them in sufficient time to “protect” them “against
invasion.” I forbear for the present from expressing an opinion as to the wisest and
most economical mode in which the Government can lend its aid in accomplishing this
great and necessary work. I believe that many of the difficulties in the way, which
now
appear formidable, will in a great degree vanish as soon as the nearest and best route
shall have been satisfactorily ascertained.
It may be proper that on this occasion I should make some brief remarks in regard
to our
rights and duties as a member of the great family of nations. In our intercourse with
them there are some plain principles, approved by our own experience, from which we
should never depart. We ought to cultivate peace, commerce, and friendship with all
nations, and this not merely as the best means of promoting our own material interests,
but in a spirit of Christian benevolence toward our fellow-men, wherever their lot
may
be cast. Our diplomacy should be direct and frank, neither seeking to obtain more
nor
accepting less than is our due. We ought to cherish a sacred regard for the independence
of all nations, and never attempt to interfere in the domestic concerns of any unless
this shall be imperatively required by the great law of self-preservation. To avoid
entangling alliances has been a maxim of our policy ever since the days of Washington,
and its wisdom’s no one will attempt to dispute. In short, we ought to do justice
in a
kindly spirit to all nations and require justice from them in return.
It is our glory that whilst other nations have extended their dominions by the sword
we
have never acquired any territory except by fair purchase or, as in the case of Texas,
by the voluntary determination of a brave, kindred, and independent people to blend
their destinies with our own. Even our acquisitions from Mexico form no exception.
Unwilling to take advantage of the fortune of war against a sister republic, we
purchased these possessions under the treaty of peace for a sum which was considered
at
the time a fair equivalent. Our past history forbids that we shall in the future acquire
territory unless this be sanctioned by the laws of justice and honor. Acting on this
principle, no nation will have a right to interfere or to complain if in the progress
of
events we shall still further extend our possessions. Hitherto in all our acquisitions
the people, under the protection of the American flag, have enjoyed civil and religious
liberty, as well as equal and just laws, and have been contented, prosperous, and
happy.
Their trade with the rest of the world has rapidly increased, and thus every commercial
nation has shared largely in their successful progress.
I shall now proceed to take the oath
prescribed by the Constitution, whilst humbly invoking the blessing of Divine Providence on this great people.