My Countrymen:
No one can contemplate current conditions without finding much that is satisfying
and
still more that is encouraging. Our own country is leading the world in the general
readjustment to the results of the great conflict. Many of its burdens will bear heavily
upon us for years, and the secondary and indirect effects we must expect to experience
for some time. But we are beginning to comprehend more definitely what course should
be
pursued, what remedies ought to be applied, what actions should be taken for our
deliverance, and are clearly manifesting a determined will faithfully and
conscientiously to adopt these methods of relief. Already we have sufficiently
rearranged our domestic affairs so that confidence has returned, business has revived,
and we appear to be entering an era of prosperity which is gradually reaching into
every
part of the Nation. Realizing that we can not live unto ourselves alone, we have
contributed of our resources and our counsel to the relief of the suffering and the
settlement of the disputes among the European nations. MBecause of what America is and
what America has done, a firmer courage, a higher hope, inspires the heart of all
humanity.
These results have not occurred by mere chance. They have been secured by a constant and
enlightened effort marked by many sacrifices and extending over many generations. We can
not continue these brilliant successes in the future, unless we continue to learn
from
the past. It is necessary to keep the former experiences of our country both at home
and
abroad continually before us, if we are to have any science of government. If we wish
to
erect new structures, we must have a definite knowledge of the old foundations. We
must
realize that human nature is about the most constant thing in the universe and that
the
essentials of human relationship do not change. We must frequently take our bearings
from these fixed stars of our political firmament if we expect to hold a true course. If
we examine carefully what we have done, we can determine the more accurately what
we can
do.
We stand at the opening of the one hundred and fiftieth year since our national
consciousness first asserted itself by unmistakable action with an array of force. The
old sentiment of detached and dependent colonies disappeared in the new sentiment
of a
united and independent Nation. Men began to discard the narrow confines of a local
charter for the broader opportunities of a national constitution. Under the eternal
urge
of freedom we became an independent Nation. A little less than 50 years later that
freedom and independence were reasserted in the face of all the world, and guarded,
supported, and secured by the Monroe doctrine. The narrow fringe of States along the
Atlantic seaboard advanced its frontiers across the hills and plains of an intervening
continent until it passed down the golden slope to the Pacific. We made freedom a
birthright. We extended our domain over distant islands in order to safeguard our own
interests and accepted the consequent obligation to bestow justice and liberty upon
less
favored peoples. In the defense of our own ideals and in the general cause of liberty we
entered the Great War. When victory had been fully secured, we withdrew to our own
shores unrecompensed save in the consciousness of duty done.
Throughout all these experiences we have enlarged our freedom, we have strengthened
our
independence. We have been, and propose to be, more and more American. We believe that
we can best serve our own country and most successfully discharge our obligations
to
humanity by continuing to be openly and candidly, in tensely and scrupulously, American.
If we have any heritage, it has been that. If we have any destiny, we have found it
in
that direction.
But if we wish to continue to be distinctively American, we must continue to make
that
term comprehensive enough to embrace the legitimate desires of a civilized and
enlightened people determined in all their relations to pursue a conscientious and
religious life. We can not permit ourselves to be narrowed and dwarfed by slogans
and
phrases. It is not the adjective, but the substantive, which is of real importance.
It
is not the name of the action, but the result of the action, which is the chief concern.
It will be well not to be too much disturbed by the thought of either isolation or
entanglement of pacifists and militarists. The physical configuration of the earth
has
separated us from all of the Old World, but the common brotherhood of man, the highest
law of all our being, has united us by inseparable bonds with all humanity. Our country
represents nothing but peaceful intentions toward all the earth, but it ought not
to
fail to maintain such a military force as comports with the dignity and security of
a
great people. It ought to be a balanced force, intensely modem, capable of defense by
sea and land, beneath the surface and in the air. But it should be so conducted that
all
the world may see in it, not a menace, but an instrument of security and peace.
This Nation believes thoroughly in an honorable peace under which the rights of its
citizens are to be everywhere protected. It has never found that the necessary enjoyment
of such a peace could be maintained only by a great and threatening array of arms.
In
common with other nations, it is now more determined than ever to promote peace through
friendliness and good will, through mutual understandings and mutual forbearance. We
have never practiced the policy of competitive armaments. We have recently committed
ourselves by covenants with the other great nations to a limitation of our sea power.
As
one result of this, our Navy ranks larger, in comparison, than it ever did before.
Removing the burden of expense and jealousy, which must always accrue from a keen
rivalry, is one of the most effective methods of diminishing that unreasonable hysteria
and misunderstanding which are the most potent means of fomenting war. This policy
represents a new departure in the world. It is a thought, an ideal, which has led
to an
entirely new line of action. It will not be easy to maintain. Some never moved from
their old positions, some are constantly slipping back to the old ways of thought
and
the old action of seizing a musket and relying on force. America has taken the lead
in
this new direction, and that lead America must continue to hold. If we expect others
to
rely on our fairness and justice we must show that we rely on their fairness and
justice.
If we are to judge by past experience, there is much to be hoped for in international
relations from frequent conferences and consultations. We have before us the beneficial
results of the Washington conference and the various consultations recently held upon
European affairs, some of which were in response to our suggestions and in some of which
we were active participants. Even the failures can not but be accounted useful and
an
immeasurable advance over threatened or actual warfare. I am strongly in favor of
continuation of this policy, whenever conditions are such that there is even a promise
that practical and favorable results might be secured.
In conformity with the principle that a display of reason rather than a threat of
force
should be the determining factor in the intercourse among nations, we have long
advocated the peaceful settlement of disputes by methods of arbitration and have
negotiated many treaties to secure that result. The same considerations should lead to
our adherence to the Permanent Court of International Justice. Where great principles
are involved, where great movements are under way which promise much for the welfare
of
humanity by reason of the very fact that many other nations have given such movements
their actual support, we ought not to withhold our own sanction because of any small
and
inessential difference, but only upon the ground of the most important and compelling
fundamental reasons. We can not barter away our independence or our sovereignty, but
we
ought to engage in no refinements of logic, no sophistries, and no subterfuges, to
argue
away the undoubted duty of this country by reason of the might of its numbers, the
power
of its resources, and its position of leadership in the world, actively and
comprehensively to signify its approval and to bear its full share of the responsibility
of a candid and disinterested attempt at the establishment of a tribunal for the
administration of even-handed justice between nation and nation. The weight of our
enormous influence must be cast upon the side of a reign not of force but of law and
trial, not by battle but by reason.
We have never any wish to interfere in the political conditions of any other countries.
Especially are we determined not to become implicated in the political controversies
of
the Old World. With a great deal of hesitation, we have responded to appeals for help to
maintain order, protect life and property, and establish responsible government in some
of the small countries of the Western Hemisphere. Our private citizens have advanced
large sums of money to assist in the necessary financing and relief of the Old World.
We
have not failed, nor shall we fail to respond, whenever necessary to mitigate human
suffering and assist in the rehabilitation of distressed nations. These, too, are
requirements which must be met by reason of our vast powers and the place we hold
in the
world.
Some of the best thought of mankind has long been seeking for a formula for permanent
peace. Undoubtedly the clarification of the principles of international law would
be
helpful, and the efforts of scholars to prepare such a work for adoption by the various
nations should have our sympathy and support. Much may be hoped for from the earnest
studies of those who advocate the outlawing of aggressive war. But all these plans
and
preparations, these treaties and covenants, will not of themselves be adequate. One
of
the greatest dangers to peace lies in the economic pressure to which people find
themselves subjected. One of the most practical things to be done in the world is
to
seek arrangements under which such pressure may be removed, so that opportunity may
be
renewed and hope may be revived. There must be some assurance that effort and endeavor
will be followed by success and prosperity. In the making and financing of such
adjustments there is not only an opportunity, but a real duty, for America to respond
with her counsel and her resources. Conditions must be provided under which people
can
make a living and work out of their difficulties. But there is another element, more
important than an, without which there can not be the slightest hope of a permanent
peace. That element lies in the heart of humanity. Unless the desire for peace be
cherished there, unless this fundamental and only natural source of brotherly love
be
cultivated to its highest degree, all artificial efforts will be in vain. Peace will
come when there is realization that only under a reign of law, based on righteousness
and supported by the religious conviction of the brotherhood of man, can there be
any
hope of a complete and satisfying life. Parchment will fail, the sword will fail, it is
only the spiritual nature of man that can be triumphant.
It seems altogether probable that we can contribute most to these important objects
by
maintaining our position of political detachment and independence. We are not identified
with any Old World interests. This position should be made more and more clear in our
relations with all foreign countries. We are at peace with all of them. Our program
is
never to oppress, but always to assist. But while we do justice to others, we must
require that justice be done to us. With us a treaty of peace means peace, and a treaty
of amity means amity. We have made great contributions to the settlement of contentious
differences in both Europe and Asia. But there is a very definite point beyond which
we
can not go. We can only help those who help themselves. Mindful of these limitations,
the one great duty that stands out requires us to use our enormous powers to trim
the
balance of the world.
While we can look with a great deal of pleasure upon what we have done abroad, we
must
remember that our continued success in that direction depends upon what we do at home.
Since its very outset, it has been found necessary to conduct our Government by means of
political parties. That system would not have survived from generation to generation
if
it had not been fundamentally sound and provided the best instrumentalities for the
most
complete expression of the popular will. It is not necessary to claim that it has always
worked perfectly. It is enough to know that nothing better has been devised. No one
would deny that there should be full and free expression and an opportunity for
independence of action within the party. There is no salvation in a narrow and bigoted
partisanship. But if there is to be responsible party government, the party label must
be something more than a mere device for securing office. Unless those who are elected
under the same party designation are willing to assume sufficient responsibility and
exhibit sufficient loyalty and coherence, so that they can cooperate with each other
in
the support of the broad general principles, of the party platform, the election is
merely a mockery, no decision is made at the polls, and there is no representation
of
the popular will. Common honesty and good faith with the people who support a party
at
the polls require that party, when it enters office, to assume the control of that
portion of the Government to which it has been elected. Any other course is bad faith
and a violation of the party pledges.
When the country has bestowed its confidence upon a party by making it a majority
in the
Congress, it has a right to expect such unity of action as will make the party majority
an effective instrument of government. This Administration has come into power with
a
very clear and definite mandate from the people. The expression of the popular will
in
favor of maintaining our constitutional guarantees was overwhelming and decisive.
There
was a manifestation of such faith in the integrity of the courts that we can consider
that issue rejected for some time to come. Likewise, the policy of public ownership of
railroads and certain electric utilities met with unmistakable defeat. The people
declared that they wanted their rights to have not a political but a judicial
determination, and their independence and freedom continued and supported by having the
ownership and control of their property, not in the Government, but in their own hands.
As they always do when they have a fair chance, the people demonstrated that they
are
sound and are determined to have a sound government.
When we turn from what was rejected to inquire what was accepted, the policy that
stands
out with the greatest clearness is that of economy in public expenditure with reduction
and reform of taxation. The principle involved in this effort is that of conservation.
The resources of this country are almost beyond computation. No mind can comprehend
them. But the cost of our combined governments is likewise almost beyond definition.
Not
only those who are now making their tax returns, but those who meet the enhanced cost
of
existence in their monthly bills, know by hard experience what this great burden is
and
what it does. No matter what others may want, these people want a drastic economy.
They
are opposed to waste. They know that extravagance lengthens the hours and diminishes
the
rewards of their labor. I favor the policy of economy, not because I wish to save money,
but because I wish to save people. The men and women of this country who toil are the
ones who bear the cost of the Government. Every dollar that we carelessly waste means
that their life will be so much the more meager. Every dollar that we prudently save
means that their life will be so much the more abundant. Economy is idealism in its
most
practical form.
If extravagance were not reflected in taxation, and through taxation both directly
and
indirectly injuriously affecting the people, it would not be of so much consequence.
The
wisest and soundest method of solving our tax problem is through economy. Fortunately,
of all the great nations this country is best in a position to adopt that simple remedy.
We do not any longer need wartime revenues. The collection of any taxes which are
not
absolutely required, which do not beyond reasonable doubt contribute to the public
welfare, is only a species of legalized larceny. Under this republic the rewards of
industry belong to those who earn them. The only constitutional tax is the tax which
ministers to public necessity. The property of the country belongs to the people of the
country. Their title is absolute. They do not support any privileged class; they do not
need to maintain great military forces; they ought not to be burdened with a great
array
of public employees. They are not required to make any contribution to Government
expenditures except that which they voluntarily assess upon themselves through the
action of their own representatives. Whenever taxes become burdensome a remedy can
be
applied by the people; but if they do not act for themselves, no one can be very
successful in acting for them.
The time is arriving when we can have further tax reduction, when, unless we wish
to
hamper the people in their right to earn a living, we must have tax reform. The method
of raising revenue ought not to impede the transaction of business; it ought to
encourage it. I am opposed to extremely high rates, because they produce little or no
revenue, because they are bad for the country, and, finally, because they are wrong. We
can not finance the country, we can not improve social conditions, through any system
of
injustice, even if we attempt to inflict it upon the rich. Those who suffer the most
harm will be the poor. This country believes in prosperity. It is absurd to suppose that
it is envious of those who are already prosperous. The wise and correct course to follow
in taxation and all other economic legislation is not to destroy those who have already
secured success but to create conditions under which every one will have a better
chance
to be successful. The verdict of the country has been given on this question. That
verdict stands. We shall do well to heed it.
These questions involve moral issues. We need not concern ourselves much about the
rights
of property if we will faithfully observe the rights of persons. Under our institutions
their rights are supreme. It is not property but the right to hold property, both
great
and small, which our Constitution guarantees. All owners of property are charged with
a
service. These rights and duties have been revealed, through the conscience of society,
to have a divine sanction. The very stability of our society rests upon production
and
conservation. For individuals or for governments to waste and squander their resources
is to deny these rights and disregard these obligations. The result of economic
dissipation to a nation is always moral decay.
These policies of better international understandings, greater economy, and lower
taxes
have contributed largely to peaceful and prosperous industrial relations. Under the
helpful influences of restrictive immigration and a protective tariff, employment is
plentiful, the rate of pay is high, and wage earners are in a state of contentment
seldom before seen. Our transportation systems have been gradually recovering and have
been able to meet all the requirements of the service. Agriculture has been very slow
in
reviving, but the price of cereals at last indicates that the day of its deliverance
is
at hand.
We are not without our problems, but our most important problem is not to secure new
advantages but to maintain those which we already possess. Our system of government
made
up of three separate and independent departments, our divided sovereignty composed
of
Nation and State, the matchless wisdom that is enshrined in our Constitution, all
these
need constant effort and tireless vigilance for their protection and support.
In a republic the first rule for the guidance of the citizen is obedience to law.
Under a
despotism the law may be imposed upon the subject. He has no voice in its making,
no
influence in its administration, it does not represent him. Under a free government the
citizen makes his own laws, chooses his own administrators, which do represent him.
Those who want their rights respected under the Constitution and the law ought to
set
the example themselves of observing the Constitution and the law. While there may be
those of high intelligence who violate the law at times, the barbarian and the defective
always violate it. Those who disregard the rules of society are not exhibiting a
superior intelligence, are not promoting freedom and independence, are not following
the
path of civilization, but are displaying the traits of ignorance, of servitude, of
savagery, and treading the way that leads back to the jungle.
The essence of a republic is representative government. Our Congress represents the
people and the States. In all legislative affairs it is the natural collaborator with
the President. In spite of all the criticism which often falls to its lot, I do not
hesitate to say that there is no more independent and effective legislative body in
the
world. It is, and should be, jealous of its prerogative. I welcome its cooperation, and
expect to share with it not only the responsibility, but the credit, for our common
effort to secure beneficial legislation.
These are some of the principles which America represents. We have not by any means
put
them fully into practice, but we have strongly signified our belief in them. The
encouraging feature of our country is not that it has reached its destination, but
that
it has overwhelmingly expressed its determination to proceed in the right direction. It
is true that we could, with profit, be less sectional and more national in our thought.
It would be well if we could replace much that is only a false and ignorant prejudice
with a true and enlightened pride of race. But the last election showed that appeals
to
class and nationality had little effect. We were all found loyal to a common
citizenship. The fundamental precept of liberty is toleration. We can not permit any
inquisition either within or without the law or apply any religious test to the holding
of office. The mind of America must be forever free.
It is in such contemplations, my fellow countrymen, which are not exhaustive but only
representative, that I find ample warrant for satisfaction and encouragement. We should
not let the much that is to do obscure the much which has been done. The past and
present show faith and hope and courage fully justified. Here stands our country,
an
example of tranquillity at home, a patron of tranquillity abroad. Here stands its
Government, aware of its might but obedient to its conscience. Here it will continue
to
stand, seeking peace and prosperity, solicitous for the welfare of the wage earner,
promoting enterprise, developing waterways and natural resources, attentive to the
intuitive counsel of womanhood, encouraging education, desiring the advancement of
religion, supporting the cause of justice and honor among the nations. America seeks
no
earthly empire built on blood and force. No ambition, no temptation, lures her to
thought of foreign dominions. The legions which she sends forth are armed, not with
the
sword, but with the cross. The higher
state to which she seeks the allegiance of all mankind is not of human, but of divine
origin.
She cherishes no purpose save to merit the
favor of Almighty God.