My Countrymen:
When one surveys the world about him after the great storm, noting the marks of
destruction and yet rejoicing in the ruggedness of the things which withstood it,
if he
is an American he breathes the clarified atmosphere with a strange mingling of regret
and new hope. We have seen a world passion spend its fury, but we contemplate our
Republic unshaken, and hold our civilization secure. Liberty—liberty within the law—and
civilization are inseparable, and though both were threatened we find them now secure;
and there comes to Americans the profound assurance that our representative government
is the highest expression and surest guaranty of both.
Standing in this presence, mindful of the solemnity of this occasion, feeling the
emotions which no one may know until he senses the great weight of responsibility
for
himself, I must utter my belief in the divine inspiration of the founding fathers.
Surely there must have been God’s intent in the making of this new-world
Republic. Ours is an organic law which had but one ambiguity, and we saw
that effaced in a baptism of sacrifice and blood, with union maintained, the Nation
supreme, and its concord inspiring. We have seen the world rivet its hopeful gaze on the
great truths on which the founders wrought. We have seen civil, human, and religious
liberty verified and glorified. In the beginning the Old World scoffed at our
experiment; today our foundations of political and social belief stand unshaken, a
precious inheritance to ourselves, an inspiring example of freedom and civilization
to
all mankind. Let us express renewed and strengthened devotion, in grateful reverence for
the immortal beginning, and utter our confidence in the supreme fulfillment.
The recorded progress of our Republic, materially and spiritually, in itself proves
the
wisdom of the inherited policy of noninvolvement in Old World affairs. Confident of our
ability to work out our own destiny, and jealously guarding our right to do so, we
seek
no part in directing the destinies of the Old World. We do not mean to be entangled.
We
will accept no responsibility except as our own conscience and judgment, in each
instance, may determine.
Our eyes never will be blind to a developing menace, our ears never deaf to the call
of
civilization. We recognize the new order in the world, with the closer contacts which
progress has wrought. We sense the call of the human heart for fellowship, fraternity,
and cooperation. We crave friendship and harbor no hate. But America, our America, the
America builded on the foundation laid by the inspired fathers, can be a party to
no
permanent military alliance. It can enter into no political commitments, nor assume
any
economic obligations which will subject our decisions to any other than our own
authority.
I am sure our own people will not misunderstand, nor will the world misconstrue. We
have
no thought to impede the paths to closer relationship. We wish to promote understanding.
We want to do our part in making offensive warfare so hateful that Governments and
peoples who resort to it must prove the righteousness of their cause or stand as outlaws
before the bar of civilization.
We are ready to associate ourselves with the nations of the world, great and small,
for
conference, for counsel; to seek the expressed views of world opinion; to recommend
a
way to approximate disarmament and relieve the crushing burdens of military and naval
establishments. We elect to participate in suggesting plans for mediation, conciliation,
and arbitration, and would gladly join in that expressed conscience of progress, which
seeks to clarify and write the laws of international relationship, and establish a
world
court for the disposition of such justiciable questions as nations are agreed to submit
thereto. In expressing aspirations, in seeking practical plans, in translating
humanity’s new concept of righteousness and justice and its hatred of war into
recommended action we are ready most heartily to unite, but every commitment must
be
made in the exercise of our national sovereignty. Since freedom impelled, and
independence inspired, and nationality exalted, a world supergovernment is contrary
to
everything we cherish and can have no sanction by our Republic. This is not selfishness,
it is sanctity. It is not aloofness, it is security. It is not suspicion of others, it
is patriotic adherence to the things which made us what we are.
Today, better than ever before, we know the aspirations of humankind, and share them.
We
have come to a new realization of our place in the world and a new appraisal of our
Nation by the world. The unselfishness of these United States is a thing proven; our
devotion to peace for ourselves and for the world is well established; our concern
for
preserved civilization has had its impassioned and heroic expression. There was no
American failure to resist the attempted reversion of civilization; there will be
no
failure today or tomorrow.
The success of our popular government rests wholly upon the correct interpretation
of the
deliberate, intelligent, dependable popular will of America. In a deliberate questioning
of a suggested change of national policy, where internationality was to supersede
nationality, we turned to a referendum, to the American people. There was ample
discussion, and there is a public mandate in manifest understanding.
America is ready to encourage, eager to
initiate, anxious to participate in any seemly program likely to lessen the
probability of war, and promote that brotherhood of mankind which must be God’s highest
conception of human relationship.
Because we cherish ideals of justice and peace, because we appraise
international comity and helpful relationship no less highly than any people of the
world, we aspire to a high place in the moral leadership of civilization, and we hold
a
maintained America, the proven Republic, the unshaken temple of representative
democracy, to be not only an inspiration and example, but the highest agency of
strengthening good will and promoting accord on both continents.
Mankind needs a world-wide benediction of understanding. It is needed among individuals,
among peoples, among governments, and it will inaugurate an era of good feeling to
make
the birth of a new order. In such understanding men will strive confidently for the
promotion of their better relationships and nations will promote the comities so
essential to peace.
We must understand that ties of trade bind nations in closest intimacy, and none may
receive except as he gives. We have not strengthened ours in accordance with our
resources or our genius, notably on our own continent, where a galaxy of Republics
reflects the glory of new-world democracy, but in the new order of finance and trade we
mean to promote enlarged activities and seek expanded confidence.
Perhaps we can make no more helpful contribution by example than prove a Republic’s
capacity to emerge from the wreckage of war. While the world’s embittered travail
did
not leave us devastated lands nor desolated cities, left no gaping wounds, no breast
with hate, it did involve us in the delirium of expenditure, in expanded currency and
credits, in unbalanced industry, in unspeakable waste, and disturbed relationships.
While it uncovered our portion of hateful selfishness at home, it also revealed the
heart of America as sound and fearless, and beating in confidence unfailing.
Amid it all we have riveted the gaze of all civilization to the unselfishness and
the
righteousness of representative democracy, where our freedom never has made offensive
warfare, never has sought territorial aggrandizement through force, never has turned
to
the arbitrament of arms until reason has been exhausted. When the Governments of the
earth shall have established a freedom like our own and shall have sanctioned the
pursuit of peace as we have practiced it, I believe the last sorrow and the final
sacrifice of international warfare will have been written.
Let me speak to the maimed and wounded soldiers who are present today, and through
them
convey to their comrades the gratitude of the Republic for their sacrifices in its
defense. A generous country will never forget the services you rendered, and you may
hope for a policy under Government that will relieve any maimed successors from taking
your places on another such occasion as this.
Our supreme task is the resumption of our onward, normal way. Reconstruction,
readjustment, restoration all these must follow. I would like to hasten them. If it will
lighten the spirit and add to the resolution with which we take up the task, let me
repeat for our Nation, we shall give no people just cause to make war upon us; we
hold
no national prejudices; we entertain no spirit of revenge; we do not hate; we do not
covet; we dream of no conquest, nor boast of armed prowess.
If, despite this attitude, war is again forced upon us, I earnestly hope a way may
be
found which will unify our individual and collective strength and consecrate all
America, materially and spiritually, body and soul, to national defense. I can vision
the ideal republic, where every man and woman is called under the flag for assignment
to
duty for whatever service, military or civic, the individual is best fitted; where
we
may call to universal service every plant, agency, or facility, all in the sublime
sacrifice for country, and not one penny of war profit shall inure to the benefit
of
private individual, corporation, or combination, but all above the normal shall flow
into the defense chest of the Nation. There is something inherently wrong, something out
of accord with the ideals of representative democracy, when one portion of our
citizenship turns its activities to private gain amid defensive war while another
is
fighting, sacrificing, or dying for national preservation.
Out of such universal service will come a new unity of spirit and purpose, a new
confidence and consecration, which would make our defense impregnable, our triumph
assured. Then we should have little or no disorganization of our economic, industrial,
and commercial systems at home, no staggering war debts, no swollen fortunes to flout
the sacrifices of our soldiers, no excuse for sedition, no pitiable slackerism, no
outrage of treason. Envy and jealousy would have no soil for their menacing development,
and revolution would be without the passion which engenders it.
A regret for the mistakes of yesterday must not, however, blind us to the tasks of
today.
War never left such an aftermath. There has been staggering loss of life and measureless
wastage of materials. Nations are still groping for return to stable ways. Discouraging
indebtedness confronts us like all the war-torn nations, and these obligations must be
provided for. No civilization can survive repudiation.
We can reduce the abnormal expenditures, and we will. We can strike at war taxation,
and
we must. We must face the grim necessity, with full knowledge that the task is to be
solved, and we must proceed with a full realization that no statute enacted by man
can
repeal the inexorable laws of nature. Our most dangerous tendency is to expect too
much
of government, and at the same time do for it too little. We contemplate the immediate
task of putting our public household in order. We need a rigid and yet sane economy,
combined with fiscal justice and it must be attended by individual prudence and thrift,
which are so essential to this trying hour and reassuring for the future.
The business world reflects the disturbance of war’s reaction. Herein flows the lifeblood
of material existence. The economic mechanism is intricate and its parts interdependent,
and has suffered the shocks and jars incident to abnormal demands, credit inflations,
and price upheavals. The normal balances have been impaired, the channels of
distribution have been clogged, the relations of labor and management have been
strained. We must seek the readjustment with care and courage. Our people must give
and
take. Prices must reflect the receding fever of war activities. Perhaps we never shall
know the old levels of wages again, because war invariably readjusts compensations,
and
the necessaries of life will show their inseparable relationship, but we must strive for
normalcy to reach Mstability. All the penalties will not be light, nor evenly
distributed. There is no way of making them so. There is no instant step from disorder
to order. We must face a condition of grim reality, charge off our losses and start
afresh. It is the oldest lesson of civilization. I would like government to do all
it
can to mitigate; then, in understanding, in mutuality of interest, in concern for
the
common good, our tasks will be solved. No altered system will work a miracle. Any wild
experiment will only add to the confusion. Our best assurance lies in efficient
administration of our proven system.
The forward course of the business cycle is unmistakable. Peoples are turning from
destruction to production. Industry has sensed the changed order and our own people are
turning to resume their normal, onward way. The call is for productive America to
go on.
I know that Congress and the Administration will favor every wise Government policy
to
aid the resumption and encourage continued progress.
I speak for administrative efficiency, for lightened tax burdens, for sound commercial
practices, for adequate credit facilities, for sympathetic concern for all agricultural
problems, for the omission of unnecessary interference of Government with business, for
an end to Government’s experiment in business, and for more efficient business in
Government administration. With all of this must attend a mindfulness of the human
side
of all activities, so that social, industrial, and economic justice will be squared
with
the purposes of a righteous people. With the nation-wide induction of womanhood into our
political life, we may count upon her intuitions, her refinements, her intelligence,
and
her influence to exalt the social order. We count upon her exercise of the full
privileges and the performance of the duties of citizenship to speed the attainment
of
the highest state. I wish for an America no less alert in guarding against dangers from
within than it is watchful against enemies from without. Our fundamental law recognizes
no class, no group, no section; there must be none in legislation or administration.
The
supreme inspiration is the common weal. Humanity hungers for international peace,
and we
crave it with all mankind. My most reverent prayer for America is for industrial peace,
with its rewards, widely and generally distributed, amid the inspirations of equal
opportunity. No one justly may deny the equality of opportunity which made us what we
are. We have mistaken unpreparedness to embrace it to be a challenge of the reality,
and
due concern for making all citizens fit for participation will give added strength
of
citizenship and magnify our achievement.
If revolution insists upon overturning established order, let other peoples make the
tragic experiment. There is no place for it in America. When World War threatened
civilization we pledged our resources and our lives to its preservation, and when
revolution threatens we unfurl the flag of law and order and renew our consecration.
Ours is a constitutional freedom where the popular will is the law supreme and
minorities are sacredly protected. Our revisions, reformations, and evolutions reflect a
deliberate judgment and an orderly progress, and we mean to cure our ills, but never
destroy or permit destruction by force.
I had rather submit our industrial controversies to the conference table in advance
than
to a settlement table after conflict and suffering. The earth is thirsting for the
cup
of good will, understanding is its fountain source. I would like to acclaim an era
of
good feeling amid dependable prosperity and all the blessings which attend.
It has been proved again and again that we cannot, while throwing our markets open
to the
world, maintain American standards of living and opportunity, and hold our industrial
eminence in such unequal competition. There is a luring fallacy in the theory of
banished barriers of trade, but preserved American standards require our higher
production costs to be reflected in our tariffs on imports. Today, as never before, when
peoples are seeking trade restoration and expansion, we must adjust our tariffs to
the
new order. We seek participation in the world’s exchanges, because therein lies our
way
to widened influence and the triumphs of peace. We know full well we cannot sell where
we do not buy, and we cannot sell successfully where we do not carry. Opportunity
is
calling not alone for the restoration, but for a new era in production, transportation
and trade. We shall answer it best by meeting the demand of a surpassing home market,
by
promoting self-reliance in production, and by bidding enterprise, genius, and efficiency
to carry our cargoes in American bottoms to the marts of the world.
We would not have an America living within and for herself alone, but we would have
her
self-reliant, independent, and ever nobler, stronger, and richer. Believing in our
higher standards, reared through constitutional liberty and maintained opportunity,
we
invite the world to the same heights. But pride in things wrought is no reflex of a
completed task. Common welfare is the goal of our national endeavor. Wealth is not
inimical to welfare; it ought to be its friendliest agency. There never can be equality
of rewards or possessions so long as the human plan contains varied talents and
differing degrees of industry and thrift, but ours ought to be a country free from the
great blotches of distressed poverty. We ought to find a way to guard against the
perils
and penalties of unemployment. We want an America of homes, illumined with hope and
happiness, where mothers, freed from the necessity for long hours of toil beyond their
own doors, may preside as befits the hearthstone of American citizenship. We want the
cradle of American childhood rocked under conditions so wholesome and so hopeful that
no
blight may touch it in its development, and we want to provide that no selfish interest,
no material necessity, no lack of opportunity shall prevent the gaining of that
education so essential to best citizenship.
There is no short cut to the making of these ideals into glad realities. The world
has
witnessed again and again the futility and the mischief of ill-considered remedies
for
social and economic disorders. But we are mindful today as never before of the friction
of modern industrialism, and we must learn its causes and reduce its evil consequences
by sober and tested methods. Where genius has made for great possibilities, justice
and
happiness must be reflected in a greater common welfare.
Service is the supreme commitment of life. I would rejoice to acclaim the era of the
Golden Rule and crown it with the autocracy of service. I pledge an administration
wherein all the agencies of Government are called to serve, and ever promote an
understanding of Government purely as an expression of the popular will.
One cannot stand in this presence and be unmindful of the tremendous responsibility.
The
world upheaval has added heavily to our tasks. But with the realization comes the surge of high resolve, and
there is reassurance in belief in the God-given destiny of
our Republic. If I felt that there is to be sole responsibility in the
Executive for the America of tomorrow I should shrink from the burden. But here are a hundred millions, with common
concern and shared responsibility, answerable to God and
country. The Republic summons them to their duty, and I invite
co-operation.
I accept my part with single-mindedness
of purpose and humility of spirit, and implore the favor and guidance of God in His
Heaven.
With these I am unafraid, and confidently face the future.
I have taken the solemn oath of office on
that passage of Holy Writ wherein it is asked: “What doth the Lord require of thee but to do justly, and to
love mercy, and to walk
humbly with thy God?” This I plight to God and country.