My Fellow-Citizens:
When we assembled here on the 4th of March, 1897, there was great anxiety with regard
to
our currency and credit. None exists now. Then our Treasury receipts were inadequate to
meet the current obligations of the Government. Now they are sufficient for all public
needs, and we have a surplus instead of a deficit. Then I felt constrained to convene
the Congress in extraordinary session to devise revenues to pay the ordinary expenses
of
the Government. Now I have the satisfaction to announce that the Congress just closed
has reduced taxation in the sum of $41,000,000. Then there was deep solicitude because
of the long depression in our manufacturing, mining, agricultural, and mercantile
industries and the consequent distress of our laboring population. Now every avenue of
production is crowded with activity, labor is well employed, and American products
find
good markets at home and abroad.
Our diversified productions, however, are increasing in such unprecedented volume
as to
admonish us of the necessity of still further enlarging our foreign markets by broader
commercial relations. For this purpose reciprocal trade arrangements with other nations
should in liberal spirit be carefully cultivated and promoted.
The national verdict of 1896 has for the most part been executed. Whatever remains
unfulfilled is a continuing obligation resting with undiminished force upon the
Executive and the Congress. But fortunate as our condition is, its permanence can
only
be assured by sound business methods and strict economy in national administration
and
legislation. We should not permit our great prosperity to lead us to reckless ventures
in business or profligacy in public expenditures. While the Congress determines the
objects and the sum of appropriations, the officials of the executive departments
are
responsible for honest and faithful disbursement, and it should be their constant
care
to avoid waste and extravagance. Honesty, capacity, and industry are nowhere more
indispensable than in public employment. These should be fundamental requisites to
original appointment and the surest guaranties against removal.
Four years ago we stood on the brink of war without the people knowing it and without
any
preparation or effort at preparation for the impending peril. I did all that in honor
could be done to avert the war, but without avail. It became inevitable; and the
Congress at its first regular session, without party division, provided money in
anticipation of the crisis and in preparation to meet it. It came. The result was
signally favorable to American arms and in the highest degree honorable to the
Government. It imposed upon us obligations from which we cannot escape and from which
it
would be dishonorable to seek escape. We are now at peace with the world, and it is my
fervent prayer that if differences arise between us and other powers they may be settled
by peaceful arbitration and that hereafter we may be spared the horrors of war.
Intrusted by the people for a second time
with the office of President, I enter upon its administration appreciating the great
responsibilities which attach to this renewed honor and commission, promising
unreserved devotion on my part to their faithful discharge and reverently invoking
for my guidance the direction and favor of Almighty
God. I should shrink from the duties this day assumed if I did not
feel that in their performance I should have the co-operation of the wise and patriotic
men of all parties. It encourages me for the great task which I now undertake to believe
that those who voluntarily committed to me the trust imposed upon the Chief Executive
of
the Republic will give to me generous support in my duties to “preserve, protect,
and
defend, the Constitution of the United States” and to “care that the laws be faithfully
executed.” The national purpose is indicated through a national election. It is the
constitutional method of ascertaining the public will. When once it is registered it is
a law to us all, and faithful observance should follow its decrees.
Strong hearts and helpful hands are needed, and, fortunately, we have them in every
part
of our beloved country. We are reunited. Sectionalism has disappeared. Division on
public questions can no longer be traced by the war maps of 1861. These old differences
less and less disturb the judgment. Existing problems demand the thought and quicken
the
conscience of the country, and the responsibility for their presence, as well as for
their righteous settlement, rests upon us all—no more upon me than upon you. There are
some national questions in the solution of which patriotism should exclude partisanship.
Magnifying their difficulties will not take them off our hands nor facilitate their
adjustment. Distrust of the capacity, integrity, and high purposes of the American
people will not be an inspiring theme for future political contests. Dark pictures
and
gloomy forebodings are worse than useless. These only becloud, they do not help to
point
the way of safety and honor. “Hope maketh not ashamed.” The prophets of evil were
not
the builders of the Republic, nor in its crises since have they saved or served it.
The
faith of the fathers was a mighty force in its creation, and the faith of their
descendants has wrought its progress and furnished its defenders. They are
obstructionists who despair, and who would destroy confidence in the ability of our
people to solve wisely and for civilization the mighty problems resting upon them.
The
American people, intrenched in freedom at home, take their love for it with them
wherever they go, and they reject as mistaken and unworthy the doctrine that we lose our
own liberties by securing the enduring foundations of liberty to others. Our
institutions will not deteriorate by extension, and our sense of justice will not
abate
under tropic suns in distant seas. As heretofore, so hereafter will the nation
demonstrate its fitness to administer any new estate which events devolve upon it,
and
in the fear of God will “take occasion by the hand and make the bounds of freedom
wider
yet.” If there are those among us who would make our way more difficult, we must not
be
disheartened, but the more earnestly dedicate ourselves to the task upon which we
have
rightly entered. The path of progress is seldom smooth. New things are often found hard
to do. Our fathers found them so. We find them so. They are inconvenient. They cost us
something. But are we not made better for the effort and sacrifice, and are not those
we
serve lifted up and blessed?
We will be consoled, too, with the fact that opposition has confronted every onward
movement of the Republic from its opening hour until now, but without success. The
Republic has marched on and on, and its step has exalted freedom and humanity. We are
undergoing the same ordeal as did our predecessors nearly a century ago. We are
following the course they blazed. They triumphed. Will their successors falter and
plead
organic impotency in the nation? Surely after 125 years of achievement for mankind
we
will not now surrender our equality with other powers on matters fundamental and
essential to nationality. With no such purpose was the nation created. In no such
spirit
has it developed its full and independent sovereignty. We adhere to the principle of
equality among ourselves, and by no act of ours will we assign to ourselves a
subordinate rank in the family of nations.
My fellow-citizens, the public events of the past four years have gone into history.
They
are too near to justify recital. Some of them were unforeseen; many of them momentous
and far-reaching in their consequences to ourselves and our relations with the rest
of
the world. The part which the United States bore so honorably in the thrilling scenes in
China, while new to American life, has been in harmony with its true spirit and best
traditions, and in dealing with the results its policy will be that of moderation
and
fairness.
We face at this moment a most important question that of the future relations of the
United States and Cuba. With our near neighbors we must remain close friends. The
declaration of the purposes of this Government in the resolution of April 20, 1898,
must
be made good. Ever since the evacuation of the island by the army of Spain, the
Executive, with all practicable speed, has been assisting its people in the successive
steps necessary to the establishment of a free and independent government prepared
to
assume and perform the obligations of international law which now rest upon the United
States under the treaty of Paris. The convention elected by the people to frame a
constitution is approaching the completion of its labors. The transfer of American
control to the new government is of such great importance, involving an obligation
resulting from our intervention and the treaty of peace, that I am glad to be advised
by
the recent act of Congress of the policy which the legislative branch of the Government
deems essential to the best interests of Cuba and the United States. The principles
which led to our intervention require that the fundamental law upon which the new
government rests should be adapted to secure a government capable of performing the
duties and discharging the functions of a separate nation, of observing its
international obligations of protecting life and property, insuring order, safety, and
liberty, and conforming to the established and historical policy of the United States
in
its relation to Cuba.
The peace which we are pledged to leave to the Cuban people must carry with it the
guaranties of permanence. We became sponsors for the pacification of the island, and we
remain accountable to the Cubans, no less than to our own country and people, for the
reconstruction of Cuba as a free commonwealth on abiding foundations of right, justice,
liberty, and assured order. Our enfranchisement of the people will not be completed
until free Cuba shall “be a reality, not a name; a perfect entity, not a hasty
experiment bearing within itself the elements of failure.”
While the treaty of peace with Spain was ratified on the 6th of February, 1899, and
ratifications were exchanged nearly two years ago, the Congress has indicated no form of
government for the Philippine Islands. It has, however, provided an army to enable the
Executive to suppress insurrection, restore peace, give security to the inhabitants,
and
establish the authority of the United States throughout the archipelago. It has
authorized the organization of native troops as auxiliary to the regular force. It
has
been advised from time to time of the acts of the military and naval officers in the
islands, of my action in appointing civil commissions, of the instructions with which
they were charged, of their duties and powers, of their recommendations, and of their
several acts under executive commission, together with the very complete general
information they have submitted. These reports fully set forth the conditions, past
and
present, in the islands, and the instructions clearly show the principles which will
guide the Executive until the Congress shall, as it is required to do by the treaty,
determine “the civil rights and political status of the native inhabitants.” The
Congress having added the sanction of its authority to the powers already possessed
and
exercised by the Executive under the Constitution, thereby leaving with the Executive
the responsibility for the government of the Philippines, I shall continue the efforts
already begun until order shall be restored throughout the islands, and as fast as
conditions permit will establish local governments, in the formation of which the
full
co-operation of the people has been already invited, and when established will encourage
the people to administer them. The settled purpose, long ago proclaimed, to afford
the
inhabitants of the islands self-government as fast as they were ready for it will
be
pursued with earnestness and fidelity. Already something has been accomplished in
this
direction. The Government’s representatives, civil and military, are doing faithful
and
noble work in their mission of emancipation and merit the approval and support of
their
countrymen. The most liberal terms of amnesty have already been communicated to the
insurgents, and the way is still open for those who have raised their arms against
the
Government for honorable submission to its authority. Our countrymen should not be
deceived. We are not waging war against the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands.
A
portion of them are making war against the United States. By far the greater part of the
inhabitants recognize American sovereignty and welcome it as a guaranty of order and
of
security for life, property, liberty, freedom of conscience, and the pursuit of
happiness. To them full protection will be given. They shall not be abandoned. We will
not leave the destiny of the loyal millions the islands to the disloyal thousands
who
are in rebellion against the United States. Order under civil institutions will come
as
soon as those who now break the peace shall keep it. Force will not be needed or used
when those who make war against us shall make it no more. May it end without further
bloodshed, and there be ushered in the reign of peace to be made permanent by a
government of liberty under law!