I should be destitute of feeling if I was not deeply affected
by the strong proof which my fellow-citizens have given
me of their confidence in calling me to the high office whose functions I am
about to assume. As the expression of their good opinion of my conduct in the public
service, I derive from it a gratification which those who are conscious of having
done
all that they could to merit it can alone feel. My sensibility is increased by a just
estimate of the importance of the trust and of the nature and extent of its duties,
with
the proper discharge of which the highest interests of a great and free people are
intimately connected. Conscious of my own deficiency, I cannot
enter on these duties without great anxiety for the result. From a just
responsibility I will never shrink, calculating with confidence that in my best efforts
to promote the public welfare my motives will always be duly appreciated and my conduct
be viewed with that candor and indulgence which I have experienced in other
stations.
In commencing the duties of the chief executive office it has been the practice of
the
distinguished men who have gone before me to explain the principles which would govern
them in their respective Administrations. In following their venerated example my attention is naturally drawn to the great causes which
have contributed in a principal degree to produce the present happy condition of the
United States. They will best explain the nature of our duties and shed much light
on
the policy which ought to be pursued in future.
From the commencement of our Revolution to the present day almost forty years have
elapsed, and from the establishment of this Constitution twenty-eight. Through this
whole term the Government has been what may emphatically be called self-government.
And
what has been the effect? To whatever object we turn our attention, whether it relates
to our foreign or domestic concerns, we find abundant cause to felicitate ourselves
in
the excellence of our institutions. During a period fraught
with difficulties and marked by very extraordinary events the United States have
flourished beyond example. Their citizens individually have been happy and the
nation prosperous.
Under this Constitution our commerce has been wisely regulated with foreign nations
and
between the States; new States have been admitted into our Union; our territory has
been
enlarged by fair and honorable treaty, and with great advantage to the original States;
the States, respectively protected by the National Government under a mild, parental
system against foreign dangers, and enjoying within
their separate spheres, by a wise partition of power, a just proportion of the
sovereignty, have improved their police, extended their settlements, and attained
a
strength and maturity which are the best proofs of wholesome laws well administered.
And
if we look to the condition of individuals what a proud spectacle does it exhibit!
On
whom has oppression fallen in any quarter of our Union? Who has been deprived of any
right of person or property? Who restrained
from offering his vows in the mode which he prefers to the Divine Author of his being?
It is well known that all these
blessings have been enjoyed in their fullest extent; and I add with peculiar
satisfaction that there has been no example of a capital punishment being inflicted
on
anyone for the crime of hight reason.
Some who might admit the competency of our Government to these beneficent duties might
doubt it in trials which put to the test its strength and efficiency as a member of
the
great community of nations. Here too experience has afforded us the most satisfactory
proof in its favor. Just as this Constitution was put into
action several of the principal States of Europe had become much agitated
and some of them seriously convulsed. Destructive wars
ensued, which have of late only been terminated. In the course of these
conflicts the United States received great injury from several of the parties. It
was
their interest to stand aloof from the contest, to
demand justice from the party committing the injury, and to cultivate by a fair and
honorable conduct the friendship of all. War became at length inevitable, and the
result
has shown that our Government is equal to that, the greatest of trials, under the
most
unfavorable circumstances. Of the virtue of the people and of the heroic exploits
of the
Army, the Navy, and the militia I need not speak.
Such, then, is the happy Government under which we live—a Government adequate to every
purpose for which the social compact is formed; a Government elective in all its
branches, under which every citizen may by his merit obtain the highest trust recognized
by the Constitution; which contains within it no cause of discord, none to put at
variance one portion of the community with another; a Government which protects every
citizen in the fun enjoyment of his rights, and is able to protect the nation against
injustice from foreign powers.
Other considerations of the highest importance admonish us to cherish our Union and
to
cling to the Government which supports it. Fortunate as we are in our political
institutions, we have not been less so in other circumstances on which our prosperity
and happiness essentially depend. Situated within the temperate zone, and extending
through many degrees of latitude along the Atlantic, the United States enjoy all the
varieties of climate, and every production incident to that portion of the globe.
Penetrating internally to the Great Lakes and beyond the sources of the great rivers
which communicate through our whole interior, no country was ever happier with respect
to its domain. Blessed, too, with a fertile soil, our produce has always been very
abundant, leaving, even in years the least favorable, a surplus for the wants of our
fellow-men in other countries. Such is our peculiar felicity that there is not a part
of
our Union that is not particularly interested in preserving it. The great agricultural
interest of the nation prospers under its protection. Local interests are not less
fostered by it. Our fellow-citizens of the North engaged in
navigation find great encouragement in being made the favored carriers of the vast
productions of the other portions of the United States, while the inhabitants of these
are amply recompensed, in their turn, by the nursery for seamen and naval force thus
formed and reared up for the support of our common rights. Our manufactures find a
generous encouragement by the policy which patronizes domestic industry, and the surplus of our produce a steady and profitable
market by local wants in less-favored parts at home.
Such, then, being the highly favored condition of our country, it is the interest
of
every citizen to maintain it. What are the dangers which menace us? If any exist they
ought to be ascertained and guarded against.
In explaining my sentiments on this subject it may be asked, What raised us to the
present happy state? How did we accomplish the Revolution? How remedy the defects
of the
first instrument of our Union, by infusing into the National Government sufficient
power
for national purposes, without impairing the just rights of the States or affecting
those of individuals? How sustain and pass with glory through the late war? The
Government has been in the hands of the people. To the people, therefore, and to the
faithful and able depositaries of their trust is the credit due. Had the people of
the
United States been educated in different principles, had they been less intelligent,less
independent, or less virtuous, can it be believed that we should have maintained the
same steady and consistent career or been blessed with the same success? While,then,
the
constituent body retains its present sound and healthful state everything willbe safe.
They will choose competent and faithful representatives for every department.It is
only
when the people become ignorant and corrupt, when they degenerate into a populace,
that
they are incapable of exercising the sovereignty. Usurpation is then an easy attainment,
and an usurper soon found. The people themselves become the willing instruments of
their
own debasement and ruin. Let us, then, look to the great cause, and endeavor to preserve
it in full force. Let us by all wise and constitutional measures promote intelligence
among the people as the best means of preserving our liberties.
Dangers from abroad are not less deserving of attention. Experiencing the fortune
of
other nations, the United States may be again involved in
war, and it may in that event be the object of the adverse party to overset
our Government, to break our Union, and demolish us as a nation. Our distance from Europe and the just, moderate, and
pacific policy of our Government may form some security against these dangers, but
they
ought to be anticipated and guarded against. Many of our citizens are engaged in
commerce and navigation, and all of them are in a certain degree dependent on their
prosperous state. Many are engaged in the fisheries. These interests are exposed to
invasion in the wars between other powers, and we should disregard the faithful
admonition of experience if we did not expect it. We must
support our rights or lose our character, and with it, perhaps, our
liberties. A people who fail to do it can scarcely be said to hold a place among
independent nations. National honor is national property of the highest value. The
sentiment in the mind of every citizen is national strength. It ought therefore to
be
cherished.
To secure us against these dangers our coast and inland frontiers
should be fortified,our Army and Navy, regulated upon just principles as to the
force of each, be kept inperfect order, and our militia be placed on the best
practicable footing. To put our extensive coast in such a state of defense
as to secure our cities and interior from invasion will be attended with expense,
but
the work when finished will be permanent,and it is fair to presume that a single
campaign of invasion by a naval force superiorto our own, aided by a few thousand
land
troops, would expose us to greater expense, without taking into the estimate the loss
of
property and distress of our citizens, than would be sufficient for this great work.
Our
land and naval forces should be moderate,but adequate to the necessary purposes—the
former to garrison and preserve our fortifications and to meet the first invasions
of a
foreign foe, and, while constituting the elements of a greater force, to preserve
the
science as well as all the necessary implements of war in a state to be brought into
activity in the event of war; the latter, retained within the limits proper in a state
of peace, might aid in maintaining the neutrality of the United States with dignity
in
the wars of other powers and insaving the property of their citizens from spoliation.
In
time of war, with the enlargement of which the great naval resources of the country
render it susceptible, and which should be duly fostered in time of peace, it would
contribute essentially, both asan auxiliary of defense and as a powerful engine of
annoyance, to diminish the calamities of war and to bring the war to a speedy and
honorable termination.
But it ought always to be held prominently in view that the safety of these States and of everything dear to a free people must depend in an
eminent degree on the militia.Invasions may be made too formidable to be
resisted by any land and naval force which it would comport either with the principles
of our Government or the circumstances of the United States to maintain. In such cases
recourse must be had to the great body of the people, and in a manner to produce the
best effect. It is of the highest
importance,therefore, that they be so organized and trained as to be prepared for
any
emergency.The arrangement should be such as to put at the command of the Government
the
ardent patriotism and youthful vigor of the country. If formed on equal and just
principles, itcan not be oppressive. It is the crisis which makes the pressure, and
not
the laws which provide a remedy for it. This arrangement should be formed, too, in
time
of peace, to be the better prepared for war. With such an organization of such a people
the United States have nothing to dread from foreign invasion. At its approach an
overwhelming force of gallant men might always be put in motion.
Other interests of high importance will claim attention, among which the improvement
of
our country by roads and canals, proceeding always
with a constitutional sanction, holds a distinguished place. By thus facilitating
the
intercourse between the States we shall add much to the convenience and comfort of
our
fellow-citizens, much to the ornament of the country,
and, what is of greater importance, we shall shorten distances, and, by making each
part
more accessible to and dependent on the other, we shall bind the Union more closely
together. Nature has done so much for us by intersecting the country with so many
great
rivers, bays, and lakes, approaching from distant points so near to each other, that
the
inducement to complete the work seems to be peculiarly strong. A more interesting
spectacle was perhaps never seen than is exhibited within the limits of the United
States—a territory so vast and advantageously situated, containing objects so grand,
so
useful, so happily connected in all their parts!
Our manufacturers will likewise require the systematic and fostering care of the
Government. Possessing as we do all the raw materials, the
fruit of our own soil and industry, we ought not to depend in the degree we have
done on supplies from other countries. While we are thus dependent the
sudden event of war, unsought and unexpected,can not fail to plunge us into the most
serious difficulties. It is important, too, that the capital which nourishes our
manufacturers should be domestic, as its influence in that case instead of exhausting,
as it may do in foreign hands, would be felt advantageously on agriculture and every
other branch of industry. Equally important is it to provide at home a market for
our
raw materials, as by extending the competition it will enhance the price and protect
the
cultivator against the casualties incident to foreign markets.
With the Indian tribes it is our duty to cultivate friendly relations and to act with
kindness and liberality in all our transactions. Equally
proper is it to persevere in our efforts to extend to them the advantages of
civilization.
The great amount of our revenue and the flourishing state of
the Treasury are a full proof of the competency of the national resources for
any emergency, as they are of the willingness of our fellow-citizens to bear the burdens which the public necessities require.
The vast amount of vacant lands, the value of which daily augments, forms an additional
resource of great extent and duration. These resources, besides accomplishing every
other necessary purpose, put it completely in the power of the United States to
discharge the national debt at an early period. Peace is the best time for improvement
and preparation of every kind; it is in peace that our commerce flourishes most, that
taxes are most easily paid, and that the revenue is most productive.
The Executive is charged officially in the Departments under it with the disbursement
of
the public money, and is responsible for the faithful application of it to the purposes
for which it is raised. The Legislature is the watchful guardian over the public
purse.It is its duty to see that the disbursement has been honestly made. To meet
the
requisite responsibility every facility should be afforded to the Executive to enable
it
to bring the public agents intrusted with the public money strictly and promptly to
account. Nothing should be presumed against them; but if, with the requisite
facilities,the public money is suffered to lie long and uselessly in their hands,
they
will not be the only defaulters, nor will the demoralizing effect be confined to them.
It will evince a relaxation and want of tone in the Administration which will be felt
by
the whole community. I shall do all I can to secure economy and fidelity in this
important branch of the Administration, and I doubt not that the Legislature will
perform its duty with equal zeal. A thorough examination should be regularly made,
and I
will promote it.
It is particularly gratifying to me to enter on the discharge of these duties at a
time
when the United States are blessed with peace. It is a
state most consistent with their prosperity and happiness. It will be my sincere desire
to preserve it, so far as depends on the Executive, on just principles with all nations,
claiming nothing unreasonable of any and rendering to each what is its due.
Equally gratifying is it to witness the increased
harmony of opinion which pervades our Union. Discord does not belong to our
system. Union is recommended as well by the free and benign principles of our
Government, extending its blessings to every individual, as by the other eminent
advantages attending it. The American people have encountered together great dangers
and
sustained severe trials with success. They constitute one great family with a common interest. Experience has enlightened us on some
questions of essential importance to the country. The progress has been slow, dictated
by a just reflection and a faithful regard to every interest connected with it. To
promote this harmony in accord with the principles of our republican Government and
in a
manner to give them the most complete effect, and to advance in all other respects
the
best interests of our Union, will be the object of my constant and zealous
exertions.
Never did a government commence under auspices so favorable, nor
ever was success so complete. If we look to the history of other nations, ancient
or
modern, we find no example of a growth so rapid, so gigantic, of a people so prosperous
and happy. Incontemplating what we have still to perform, the heart of every citizen
must expand with joy when he reflects how near our Government has approached to
perfection; that in respect to it we have no essential improvement to make; that the
great object is to preserve it in the essential principles and features which
characterize it, and that is to be done by preserving the virtue and enlightening
the
minds of the people; and as a security against foreign dangers to adopt such
arrangements as are indispensable to the support of our independence, our rights and
liberties. If we persevere in the career in which we have advanced so far and in the
path already traced, we can not fail, under the favor of a gracious Providence , to attain the high destiny which seems to
await us.
In the Administrations of the illustrious men who have preceded me in this high
station,with some of whom I have been connected by the closest ties from early life,
examples are presented which will always be found highly instructive and useful to
their
successors. From these I shall endeavor to derive all the advantages which they may
afford. Of my immediate predecessor, under whom so important a portion of this great
and
successful experiment has been made, I shall be pardoned for expressing my earnest
wishes that he may long enjoy in his retirement the affections of a grateful country,the
best reward of exalted talents and the most faithful and meritorious service.Relying
on
the aid to be derived from the other departments of the Government, I enter on the
trust
to which I have beencalled by the suffrages of my fellow-citizens with my fervent
prayers to the Almighty that He will be graciously pleased to continue to us that protection which He has already so conspicuously displayed in our favor.