I am certain that my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency
I
will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our
Nation
impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly
and
boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This
great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first
of
all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear
itself—nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to
convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life a leadership of
frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves
which is essential to victory. I am convinced that you will again give that support
to
leadership in these critical days.
In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern,
thank God,
only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes
have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious
curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade;
the
withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets
for
their produce; the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone.
More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence,
and an
equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the
dark
realities of the moment.
Yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague
of
locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered because they believed
and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her
bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous
use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily this is because the
rulers of the exchange of mankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness
and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and abdicated. Practices of the
unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected
by
the hearts and minds of men.
True they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn
tradition. Faced by failure of credit they have proposed only the lending of more
money.
Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false
leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored
confidence. They know only the rules of a generation of selfseekers. They have no
vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.
The money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization.
We
may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of the restoration
lies
in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.
Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement,
in
the thrill of creative effort. The joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must
be
forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days will be worth all
they
cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to
minister to ourselves and to our fellow men.
Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand
in
hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political
position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit;
and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has
given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder
that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness
of obligations, on faithful protection, on unselfish performance; without them it
cannot
live.
Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation asks for
action,
and action now.
Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem
if we
face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting
by
the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war,
but
at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to
stimulate and reorganize the use of our natural resources.
Hand in hand with this we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in
our
industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor
to
provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land. The task can be
helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products and with this
the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing
realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes
and
our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, State, and local governments
act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped
by
the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, and
unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of
transportation and of communications and other utilities which have a definitely public
character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped
merely by talking about it. We must act and act quickly.
Finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work we require two safeguards against
a
return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking
and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people’s
money, and there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.
There are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special
session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate
assistance of the several States.
Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house
in
order and making income balance outgo. Our international trade relations, though vastly
important, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a
sound
national economy. I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first.
I
shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment,
but
the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.
The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly
nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence
of the various elements in all parts of the United States—a recognition of the old
and
permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the
way
to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the strongest assurance that the recovery
will endure.
In the field of world policy I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good
neighbor—the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects
the rights of others—the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity
of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.
If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize as we have never realized
before our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take but we must
give
as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing
to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no
progress is made, no leadership becomes effective. We are, I know, ready and willing
to
submit our lives and property to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership
which aims at a larger good. This I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes
will bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked
only
in time of armed strife.
With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our
people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.
Action in this image and to this end is feasible under the form of government which
we
have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so simple and practical that it
is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement
without loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has proved itself
the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has produced. It has
met
every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife,
of world relations.
It is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may
be
wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an
unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure
from
that normal balance of public procedure.
I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken
nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, or such other
measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek,
within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.
But in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, and
in
the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear
course of duty that will then confront me. I shall ask the Congress for the one
remaining instrument to meet the crisis—broad Executive power to wage a war against
the
emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded
by
a foreign foe.
For the trust reposed in me I will return the courage and the devotion that befit
the
time. I can do no less.
We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of the national unity;
with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean
satisfaction that comes from the stem performance of duty by old and young alike.
We aim
at the assurance of a rounded and permanent national life.
We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States
have not failed. In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct,
vigorous action. They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. They
have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take
it.
In this dedication of a Nation we humbly
ask the blessing of God.
May He
protect each and every one of us.
May He guide
me in the days to come.